I am honored to have this invitation to address the annual meeting of the Dallas Citizens Council,
joined by the members of the Dallas Assembly--and pleased to have this opportunity to salute the
Graduate Research Center of the Southwest.
It is fitting that these two symbols of Dallas progress are united in the sponsorship of this meeting.
For they represent the best qualities, I am told, of leadership and learning in this city--and
leadership and learning are indispensable to each other. The advancement of learning depends on
community leadership for financial and political support and the products of that learning, in turn,
are essential to the leadership's hopes for continued progress and prosperity. It is not a
coincidence that those communities possessing the best in research and graduate facilities--from
MIT to Cal Tech--tend to attract the new and growing industries. I congratulate those of you here in
Dallas who have recognized these basic facts through the creation of the unique and forward-looking Graduate Research Center.
This link between leadership and learning is not only essential at the community level. It is even
more indispensable in world affairs. Ignorance and misinformation can handicap the progress of a
city or a company, but they can, if allowed to prevail in foreign policy, handicap this country's
security. In a world of complex and continuing problems, in a world full of frustrations and
irritations, America's leadership must be guided by the lights of learning and reason or else those
who confuse rhetoric with reality and the plausible with the possible will gain the popular
ascendancy with their seemingly swift and simple solutions to every world problem.
There will always be dissident voices heard in the land, expressing opposition without
alternatives, finding fault but never favor, perceiving gloom on every side and seeking influence
without responsibility. Those voices are inevitable.
But today other voices are heard in the land--voices preaching doctrines wholly unrelated to
reality, wholly unsuited to the sixties, doctrines which apparently assume that words will suffice
without weapons, that vituperation is as good as victory and that peace is a sign of weakness. At a
time when the national debt is steadily being reduced in terms of its burden on our economy, they
see that debt as the greatest single threat to our security. At a time when we are steadily reducing
the number of Federal employees serving every thousand citizens, they fear those supposed hordes
of civil servants far more than the actual hordes of opposing armies.
We cannot expect that everyone, to use the phrase of a decade ago, will "talk sense to the
American people." But we can hope that fewer people will listen to nonsense. And the notion that
this Nation is headed for defeat through deficit, or that strength is but a matter of slogans, is nothing
but just plain nonsense.
I want to discuss with you today the status of our strength and our security because this question
clearly calls for the most responsible qualities of leadership and the most enlightened products of
scholarship. For this Nation's strength and security are not easily or cheaply obtained, nor are they
quickly and simply explained. There are many kinds of strength and no one kind will suffice.
Overwhelming nuclear strength cannot stop a guerrilla war. Formal pacts of alliance cannot stop
internal subversion. Displays of material wealth cannot stop the disillusionment of diplomats
subjected to discrimination.
Above all, words alone are not enough. The United States is a peaceful nation. And where our
strength and determination are clear, our words need merely to convey conviction, not
belligerence. If we are strong, our strength will speak for itself. If we are weak, words will be of
no help.
I realize that this Nation often tends to identify turning-points in world affairs with the major
addresses which preceded them. But it was not the Monroe Doctrine that kept all Europe away
from this hemisphere--it was the strength of the British fleet and the width of the Atlantic Ocean. It
was not General Marshall's speech at Harvard which kept communism out of Western Europe--it
was the strength and stability made possible by our military and economic assistance.
In this administration also it has been necessary at times to issue specific warnings--warnings that
we could not stand by and watch the Communists conquer Laos by force, or intervene in the
Congo, or swallow West Berlin, or maintain offensive missiles on Cuba. But while our goals were
at least temporarily obtained in these and other instances, our successful defense of freedom was
due not to the words we used, but to the strength we stood ready to use on behalf of the principles
we stand ready to defend.
This strength is composed of many different elements, ranging from the most massive deterrents to
the most subtle influences. And all types of strength are needed--no one kind could do the job
alone. Let us take a moment, therefore, to review this Nation's progress in each major area of
strength.
I.
First, as Secretary McNamara made clear in his address last Monday, the strategic nuclear power
of the United States has been so greatly modernized and expanded in the last 1,000 days, by the
rapid production and deployment of the most modern missile systems, that any and all potential
aggressors are clearly confronted now with the impossibility of strategic victory--and the certainty
of total destruction--if by reckless attack they should ever force upon us the necessity of a strategic
reply.
In less than 3 years, we have increased by 50 percent the number of Polaris submarines scheduled
to be in force by the next fiscal year, increased by more than 70 percent our total Polaris purchase
program, increased by more than 75 percent our Minuteman purchase program, increased by 50
percent the portion of our strategic bombers on 15-minute alert, and increased by too percent the
total number of nuclear weapons available in our strategic alert forces. Our security is further
enhanced by the steps we have taken regarding these weapons to improve the speed and certainty
of their response, their readiness at all times to respond, their ability to survive an attack, and their
ability to be carefully controlled and directed through secure command operations.
II.
But the lessons of the last decade have taught us that freedom cannot be defended by strategic
nuclear power alone. We have, therefore, in the last 3 years accelerated the development and
deployment of tactical nuclear weapons, and increased by 60 percent the tactical nuclear forces
deployed in Western Europe.
Nor can Europe or any other continent rely on nuclear forces alone, whether they are strategic or
tactical. We have radically improved the readiness of our conventional forces--increased by 45
percent the number of combat ready Army divisions, increased by 100 percent the procurement of
modern Army weapons and equipment, increased by 100 percent our ship construction, conversion, and modernization program, increased by too percent our procurement of tactical aircraft,
increased by 30 percent the number of tactical air squadrons, and increased the strength of the
Marines. As last month's "Operation Big Lift"--which originated here in Texas--showed so
clearly, this Nation is prepared as never before to move substantial numbers of men in surprisingly
little time to advanced positions anywhere in the world. We have increased by 175 percent the
procurement of airlift aircraft, and we have already achieved a 75 percent increase in our existing
strategic airlift capability. Finally, moving beyond the traditional roles of our military forces, we
have achieved an increase of nearly 600 percent in our special forces--those forces that are
prepared to work with our allies and friends against the guerrillas, saboteurs, insurgents and
assassins who threaten freedom in a less direct but equally dangerous manner.
III.
But American military might should not and need not stand alone against the ambitions of
international communism. Our security and strength, in the last analysis, directly depend on the
security and strength of others, and that is why our military and economic assistance plays such a
key role in enabling those who live on the periphery of the Communist world to maintain their
independence of choice. Our assistance to these nations can be painful, risky and costly, as is true
in Southeast Asia today. But we dare not weary of the task. For our assistance makes possible the
stationing of 3-5 million allied troops along the Communist frontier at one-tenth the cost of
maintaining a comparable number of American soldiers. A successful Communist breakthrough in
these areas, necessitating direct United States intervention, would cost us several times as much as
our entire foreign aid program, and might cost us heavily in American lives as well.
About 70 percent of our military assistance goes to nine key countries located on or near the
borders of the Communist bloc--nine countries confronted directly or indirectly with the threat of
Communist aggression--Viet-Nam, Free China, Korea, India, Pakistan, Thailand, Greece, Turkey,
and Iran. No one of these countries possesses on its own the resources to maintain the forces which
our own Chiefs of Staff think needed in the common interest. Reducing our efforts to train, equip,
and assist their armies can only encourage Communist penetration and require in time the
increased overseas deployment of American combat forces. And reducing the economic help
needed to bolster these nations that undertake to help defend freedom can have the same disastrous
result. In short, the $50 billion we spend each year on our own defense could well be ineffective
without the $4 billion required for military and economic assistance.
Our foreign aid program is not growing in size, it is, on the contrary, smaller now than in previous
years. It has had its weaknesses, but we have undertaken to correct them. And the proper way of
treating weaknesses is to replace them with strength, not to increase those weaknesses by emasculating essential programs. Dollar for dollar, in or out of government, there is no better form of
investment in our national security than our much-abused foreign aid program. We cannot afford to
lose it. We can afford to maintain it. We can surely afford, for example, to do as much for our 19
needy neighbors of Latin America as the Communist bloc is sending to the island of Cuba alone.
IV.
I have spoken of strength largely in terms of the deterrence and resistance of aggression and attack.
But, in today's world, freedom can be lost without a shot being fired, by ballots as well as bullets.
The success of our leadership is dependent upon respect for our mission in the world as well as
our missiles--on a clearer recognition of the virtues of freedom as well as the evils of tyranny.
That is why our Information Agency has doubled the shortwave broadcasting power of the Voice
of America and increased the number of broadcasting hours by 30 percent, increased Spanish
language broadcasting to Cuba and Latin America from I to 9 hours a day, increased seven-fold to
more than 3-5 million copies the number of American books being translated and published for
Latin American readers, and taken a host of other steps to carry our message of truth and freedom
to all the far corners of the earth.
And that is also why we have regained the initiative in the exploration of outer space, making an
annual effort greater than the combined total of all space activities undertaken during the fifties,
launching more than 130 vehicles into earth orbit, putting into actual operation valuable weather
and communications satellites, and making it clear to all that the United States of America has no
intention of finishing second in space.
This effort is expensive--but it pays its own way, for freedom and for America. For there is no
longer any fear in the free world that a Communist lead in space will become a permanent
assertion of supremacy and the basis of military superiority. There is no longer any doubt about the
strength and skill of American science, American industry, American education, and the American
free enterprise system. In short, our national space effort represents a great gain in, and a great
resource of, our national strength--and both Texas and Texans are contributing greatly to this
strength.
Finally, it should be clear by now that a nation can be no stronger abroad than she is at home. Only
an America which practices what it preaches about equal rights and social justice will be
respected by those whose choice affects our future. Only an America which has fully educated its
citizens is fully capable of tackling the complex problems and perceiving the hidden dangers of the
world in which we live. And only an America which is growing and prospering economically can
sustain the worldwide defenses of freedom, while demonstrating to all concerned the opportunities
of our system and society.
It is clear, therefore, that we are strengthening our security as well as our economy by our recent
record increases in national income and output--by surging ahead of most of Western Europe in the
rate of business expansion and the margin of corporate profits, by maintaining a more stable level
of prices than almost any of our overseas competitors, and by cutting personal and corporate
income taxes by some $ I I billion, as I have proposed, to assure this Nation of the longest and
strongest expansion in our peacetime economic history.
This Nation's total output--which 3 years ago was at the $500 billion mark--will soon pass $600
billion, for a record rise of over $too billion in 3 years. For the first time in history we have 70
million men and women at work. For the first time in history average factory earnings have
exceeded $100 a week. For the first time in history corporation profits after taxes--which have
risen 43 percent in less than 3 years--have an annual level f $27.4 billion.
My friends and fellow citizens: I cite these facts and figures to make it clear that America today is
stronger than ever before. Our adversaries have not abandoned their ambitions, our dangers have
not diminished, our vigilance cannot be relaxed. But now we have the military, the scientific, and
the economic strength to do whatever must be done for the preservation and promotion of freedom.
That strength will never be used in pursuit of aggressive ambitions--it will always be used in
pursuit of peace. It will never be used to promote provocations--it will always be used to promote
the peaceful settlement of disputes.
We in this country, in this generation, are--by destiny rather than choice--the watchmen on the
walls of world freedom. We ask, therefore, that we may be worthy of our power and
responsibility, that we may exercise our strength with wisdom and restraint, and that we may
achieve in our time and for all time the ancient vision of "peace on earth, good will toward men."
That must always be our goal, and the righteousness of our cause must always underlie our
strength. For as was written long ago: "except the Lord keep the city, the watchman waketh but in
vain."
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