Excerpts from Clinton's Speech at a Ceremony in Oak Bluff, Massachusetts, on the 35th Anniversary of Martin Luther King's "I Have A Dream" Speech
August 28, 1998
The summer of 1963 was a very eventful one
for me: the summer I turned 17.
What most
people know about it now is the famous picture of me shaking hands with President
Kennedy in July. It was a great moment. But I
think the moment we commemorate today, a
moment I experienced all alone, had a more
profound impact on my life.
Most of us who are old enough remember
exactly where we were on Aug. 28, 1963. I was
in my living room in Hot Springs, Ark.
I
remember the chair I was sitting in. I remember exactly where it was in the room. I remember exactly the position of the chair when
I sat and watched on national television the
great March on Washington unfold.
I remember weeping uncontrollably during
Martin Luther King's speech. And I remember thinking, when it was over, my country
would never be the same and neither would I.
There are people all across this country who
made a more intense commitment to the idea
of racial equality and justice that day than
they had ever made before. And so in very
personal ways, all of us became better and
bigger because of the work of those who
brought that great day about. There are millions of people who John Lewis will never
meet who are better and bigger because of
what that day meant.
And the words continue to echo down to the
present day, spoken to us today by children
who were not even alive then. And, God willing, their grandchildren will also be inspired
and moved and become better and bigger
because of what happened on that increasingly distant summer day.
What I'd like to ask you to think about a
little today, and to share with you -- and I'll
try to do it without taking my spectacles out,
but I don't write very well and I don't read too
well as I get older -- is what I think this means
for us today. I was trying to think about what
John and Dr. King and others did and how they
did it, and how it informs what I do and how I
think about other things today.
And I want to ask, you all need to think
about three things . . . .
No. 1, Dr. King used to speak about how we
were all bound together in a web of mutuality,
which was an elegant way of saying, whether
we like it or not, we're all in this life together.
We are interdependent. Well, what does that
mean? Well, let me give you a specific example: We had some good news today. Incomes
in America went up 5 percent last year. That's
a big bump in a year. We have got the best
economy in a generation. That's the good
news.
But we are mutually interdependent with
people far beyond our borders. Yesterday,
there was some more news that was troubling
out of Russia, some rumor, some fact about
the decline in the economy. Our stock market
dropped over 350 points. And in Latin America, our most fast-growing market for American exports, all the markets went down even
though, as far as we know, most of those
countries are doing everything right. Why?
Because we're in a tighter and tighter and
tighter web of mutuality.
Asia has these economic troubles. So even
though we have got the best economy in a
generation, our farm exports to Asia are down
30 percent from last year. And we have states
in this country where farmers, the hardest-working people in this country, can't make
their mortgage payments because of things
that happened half a world away they didn't
have any direct influence on at all. This world
is being bound together more closely.
So what is the lesson from that? Well, I
should go to Russia because, as John said,
anybody can come see you when you're doing
well. I should go there.
And we should tell
them that if they'll be strong and do the
disciplined, hard things they have to do to
reform their country, their economy, and get
through this dark night, that we'll stick with
them. . . .
The second thing.
Even if you're not a
pacifist, whenever possible, peace and nonviolence is always the right thing to do.
I remember so vividly in 1994 . . .I was
trying to pass this crime bill, and all of the
opposition to the crime bill that was in the
newspapers, all the intense opposition was
coming from the N.R.A. and the others that
did not want us to ban assault weapons, didn't
believe that we ought to have more community policemen walking the streets, and conservatives who thought we should just punish
people more and not spend more money trying
to keep kids out of trouble in the first place.
And it was a huge fight.
And so they came to see me, and he said,
"Well, John Lewis is not going to vote for this
bill." And I said, "Why?" and they said,
"Because it increases the number of crimes
subject to the Federal death penalty and he's
not for it. And he's not in bed with all those
other people, he thinks they're wrong, but he
can't vote for it." And I said, "Well, let him
alone. There's no point in calling him" because he's lived a lifetime dedicated to an idea
and while I may not be a pacifist, whenever
possible, it's always the right thing to do to try
to be peaceable and nonviolent.
What does that mean for today? Well,
there's a lot of good news. It's like the economy: the crime rate's at a 25-year low, juvenile crime's finally coming down. . . .
Half a world away, terrorists trying to hurt
Americans blow up two embassies in Africa,
and they killed some of our people, some of
our best people -- of, I might add, very many
different racial and ethnic backgrounds,
American citizens, including a distinguished
career African-American diplomat and his
son -- but they also killed almost 300 Africans
and wounded 5,000 others.
We see their pictures in the morning paper,
two of them who did that. We were bringing
them home. And they look like active, confident young people. What happened inside
them that made them feel so much hatred
toward us that they could justify not only an
act of violence against innocent diplomats and
other public servants, but the collateral consequences to Africans whom they would never
know? They had children, too.
So it is always best to remember that we
have to try to work for peace in the Middle
East, for peace in Northern Ireland, for an end
to terrorism, for protections against biological
and chemical weapons being used in the first
place.
The night before we took action against the
terrorist operations in Afghanistan and Sudan,
I was here on this island up till 2:30 in the
morning trying to make absolutely sure that
at that chemical plant there was no night shift.
I believed I had to take the action I did, but I
didn't want some person who was a nobody to
me, but who may have a family to feed and a
life to live, and probably had no earthly idea
what else was going on there, to die needlessly. I learned that, and it's another reason we
ought to pay our debt to the United Nations,
because if we can work together, together we
can find more peaceful solutions. Now I didn't
learn that when I became President; I learned
it from John Lewis and the civil rights movement a long time ago.
And the last thing I learned from them on
which all these other things depend, without
which we cannot build a world of peace or one
America in an increasingly peaceful world
bound together in this web of mutuality, is that
you can't get there unless you're willing to
forgive your enemies. I never will forget one
of the most -- I don't think I have ever spoken
about this in public before -- but one of the
most meaningful personal moments I have
had as President was a conversation I had
with Nelson Mandela.
And I said to him -- I said: "You know, I
have read your book, and I have heard you
speak.
And you spent time with my wife and
daughter, and you have talked about inviting
your jailers to your inauguration." And I said,
"It's very moving." And I said: "You're a
shrewd as well as a great man. But come on
now, how did you really do that? You can't
make me believe you didn't hate those people
who did that to you for 27 years?"
He said, "I did hate them for quite a long
time. After all, they abused me physically and
emotionally. They separated me from my
wife, and it eventually broke my family up.
They kept me from seeing my children grow
up." He said, "For quite a long time, I hated
them."
And then he said: "I realized one day,
breaking rocks, that they could take everything away from me, everything, but my mind
and heart. Now, those things I would have to
give away, and I simply decided I would not
give them away."
So as you look around the world, you see --
how do you explain these three children who
were killed in Ireland or all the people who
were killed in the square when the people were
told to leave the City Hall, there was a bomb
there, and then they walked out toward the
bomb?
What about all those families in Africa? I
don't know. I can't pick up the telephone and
call them and say, "I am so sorry this happened." How do we find that spirit?
All of you know I'm having to become quite
an expert in this business of asking for forgiveness. And I ----. It gets a little easier the
more you do it. And if you have a family, an
Administration, a Congress and a whole country to ask, you're going to get a lot of practice.
But I have to tell that in these last days it
has come home to me again, something I first
learned as President, but it wasn't burned in
my bones -- and that is that in order to get it,
you have to be willing to give it. And all of us --
the anger, the resentment, the bitterness, the
desire for recrimination against people you
believe have wronged you -- they harden the
heart and deaden the spirit and lead to self-inflicted wounds.
And so it is important that we are able to
forgive those we believe have wronged us,
even as we ask for forgiveness from people we
have wronged.
And I heard that first -- first --
in the civil rights movement. "Love thy neighbor as thyself."
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