Beating Up
A Report on Police Batons and the News Media at the World Economic Forum, Melbourne, September 2000
by Dr. Bernard Barrett, Historian
Forwarded to the Office of the Ombudsman, Victoria, 15 November 2000
Revised 28 November 2000
From 1977 until he retired in 1993, the author was the State Historian for the Government of Victoria, responsible for promoting research and public awareness about Victoria’s cultural heritage.
Contents
- Making history
- The World Economic Forum and the media
- Early coverage of the protest plans
- Behind the scenes
- Counter-protesters
- Coverage of the events of Monday 11 September
- The barricades
- Evening TV bulletins
- The role of WA premier Richard Court
- "A largely peaceful crowd",
said the Age
- Ugly scenes in the Herald Sun
- The story of an ambulance
- Coverage of the events of Tuesday 12 September
- The 7am baton charge
- The Herald Sun and missiles
- The evening baton charge
- Police and the camera crews
- The Victorian premier and the police
- Coverage of the events of Wednesday 13 September
- "A bag of marbles was confiscated"
- Complaints about police violence
- Police in a car smash
- Summing up the three days
- Later coverage
- Conclusions
1. Making history
In a Melbourne street, just before dawn on Tuesday 12 September 2000,
television cameras recorded a significant event in Australia’s political
history. Baton-wielding police, from the paramilitary Force Response Unit,
swooped upon 50 citizens who were holding a political assembly on a major
public issue. The police wore helmets and visors, making their faces unrecognisable.
Furthermore, most had removed their personal name tags from their jackets,
thereby becoming unaccountable.
The 50 civilians were sitting passively and quietly on the pavement at
a vehicle gateway outside Melbourne’s Crown Casino. The FRU police, assisted
by mounted police and others, surrounded the civilians, making it difficult
for anyone to escape the kicks and blows.
The police had given these 50 citizens no forewarning about this baton-charge
and had not directed them to move. Police regulations permit officers
to use enough force to make an arrest or to prevent a crime. However,
this attack resulted in no arrests or charges. At worst, the citizens
were obstructing a vehicle thoroughfare but the lawful penalty for this
is perhaps a fine, not a thrashing. Punishments are supposed to be administered
by the courts, not by police. And corporal punishment is not normally
practised in Victoria.
No police were injured in this incident but ambulance paramedics treated
the injured civilians, sending some to hospital.
The attack is also significant because the civilians included two
members of the New Zealand Parliament. This may well be the first time
that Victorian police have physically attacked members of a parliament.
Twelve hours later, after dusk, the Force Response Unit carried out another
baton-charge at the same gateway against an assembly of about 100 civilians.
The police also targeted news photographers, injuring some and smashing
their equipment.
The success of this day’s police operations is measured not in arrests
but in the number of civilians injured. The media reported that about
70 people were injured in the two attacks, including 24 who were taken
to hospital.
However, newspaper stories and television news scripts during the preceding
three months had built up an expectation that these 70 injured civilians
were criminally "violent" and that they deserved "what
was coming to them".
The purpose of this paper is to examine the articles and scripts about
"violence" in the light of the available television footage.
contents
2. The
World Economic Forum and the media
For three days beginning on Monday 11 September, Melbourne hosted two
big meetings relating to global corporations. Inside the Crown gambling
complex was a private meeting of 800 corporate high-rollers, convened
by the World Economic Forum, which is a non-government organisation representing
the world’s global corporations. Outside the Casino, on the surrounding
streets, was a public meeting of thousands of citizens, protesting against
global corporatisation and economic rationalism. The grievances were international
(protesting against the growth of "non-elected, unaccountable global
corporations", richer and more powerful than many governments) and
local (protesting against the deregulation of Australia’s economy and
the downgrading of working conditions and community services).
In newspapers and television news-bulletins, the meeting of the insiders
was reported favourably and the outsiders’ meeting unfavourably.
This may be related to the fact that the WEF members include owners of
Australian media corporations. The outsiders, on the other hand, do not
own daily newspapers or television stations and they do not hire advertising
firms or public relations consultants.
For the three months leading up to the WEF meeting, I have collected
relevant stories from four newspapers (the Age, the Australian,
the Australian Financial Review and the Herald Sun),
together with videotapes of relevant items from evening TV news bulletins
(ABC and SBS and Channels 7, 9 and 10). It is interesting to compare the
words with the TV footage. Did they match?
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3. Early coverage of the protest
plans
During the months of preparation, the protest convenors (a temporary
coalition of diverse organisations with the umbrella label "S11 Alliance")
had said they intended to use non-violent tactics because, they said,
any violence would detract from their cause. Workshops were held about
how to protest non-violently. However, the Melbourne media built up an
expectation of violence. The earliest headlines included:
ACTIVISTS, POLICE BRACE FOR A RUCKUS (Sunday Age, 4 June).
POLICE FEAR PROTEST RIOTS (Herald Sun, 10 June).
GROUP BOOSTS FORUM PROTEST (Herald Sun, 26 June).
VIOLENCE AT WORLD FORUM, POLICE WARN (Australian, 8 July).
FEAR OF VIOLENT PROTESTS (Australian, 18 August).
RAG-TAG PROTEST ARMY MASSES (Australian, 19 August).
’20,000’ TO HIT TRADE FORUM (Sunday Age, 20 August).
VIOLENCE FEARS CLOSE STORES (Herald Sun, 5 September).
HELP AT HAND FOR PROTEST VIOLENCE (Australian, 6 September).
FORUM CHIEF LASHES WILD PROTESTERS (Herald Sun, 8 September).
Thus, the protest was labelled as "violent" long before it
took place.
These articles usually mentioned a protest held outside a meeting of
the World Trade Organisation in Seattle, USA, in November 1999, that "ended
in violence". Most of these articles involved input from the Victoria
Police public relations office. It has been pointed out by Dr David Baker,
lecturer in criminal justice at Monash University (in the Age, 16
September 2000), that the police command wanted to perform well at the
WEF protests because it had been criticised for "caving in"
to trade unionists during demonstrations on the Melbourne docks in April
1998. Furthermore, the police officers’ union had an interest in emphasising
the dangers of duty at the WEF protests. The Police Association lodged
an industrial claim in the Australian Industrial Relations Commission
for two extra days off, which could be redeemed in cash, for officers
working at the WEF (Herald Sun, 6 September).
Television news bulletins during August and early September had similar
items about "WEF violence fears". The channels all played footage
from the Seattle protests. For example, Channel Seven played Seattle footage
on 19 August, although the only violence shown on the screen came from
the police, not the protesters - for example, police firing tear-gas at
citizens, police roughly dragging a limp citizen along the ground, police
hitting citizens with batons and police kicking a bystander’s bicycle.
This footage looked like a riot by the police, not by citizens. This is
not to say that no civilian committed violence in Seattle, just that Australian
TV did not show it.
For weeks on radio "talk" programs, commercial station 3AW’s
Neil Mitchell (8.30am to 12 noon) and Steve Price (4pm to 6pm) continually
denigrated the proposed "violent protest", and ABC Radio’s Jon
Faine (8.30am to 12 noon) also did this on several occasions (e.g., on
Friday 18 August).
In the days before the WEF meeting, the predictions of violence became
more strident. On 4 September an editorial in the Australian warned
that the protesters "must accept the consequences". On Saturday
9 September the Herald Sun’s front page was headed: POLICE VOW
TO STOP S11 VIOLENCE. The story said that "fire and ambulance crews
have been instructed to be ready for any threat from radical protesters,
including arson and chemical attacks." On Monday 11 September, the
first morning of the WEF meeting, the Herald Sun’s front page talked
again about "fears of violence".
The same Herald Sun story also claimed that "radical demonstrators
have vowed to scale barricades and break the police cordon", although
the protest convenors had already said this was not on their agenda. (A
month after the conference, the Herald Sun’s claim was repeated
by Stewart McArthur MP when he said in a speech in Federal Parliament
on 9 October that the protesters on 11-13 September had been "trying
to invade the conference".)
How did this media campaign against the protesters begin? A clue is found
in one of the first press reports about the protest plans, in the Sunday
Age, 4 June 2000. This item states: "Superintendent Peter Halloran, a
spokesman for the Victoria Police, said senior police had been in contact
with their Seattle counterparts to prepare for any protests surrounding
the World Economic Forum..."
What tactics were available for the Victoria Police to learn from their
American counterparts? Recent protests (from Seattle in 1999 to Los Angeles
in August 2000) reveal a pattern of counter-measures being taken by US
police. An American writer, Tim Ream, says: "Police departments …begin
a multi-faceted media campaign designed to make protest organizers appear
to be involved in preparations for violence. Police departments have …
released videos of protest from other cities, held meetings with individual
media organizations and created a mythic notion of an organization dedicated
to violence…"
Ream says: " Mass media and public perceptions are being systematically
manipulated by police departments and other government agencies faced
with upcoming mass protests in their cities. These manipulations are designed
to squelch protest and thereby the message of dissent." This article ('Unrestrained
stories: False police claims of protester violence', Los Angeles Independent
Media Centre, 10 August 2000) was found at: http://www.la.indymedia.org/display.php3?article_id=543.
Something similar seems to have happened in Melbourne from June to September
2000.
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4. Behind the scenes
According to the Australian Financial Review (28-29 August), the
WEF conference was preceded by a flurry of public relations activity,
ensuring that the media (and therefore the public) were turned against
the protesters. As the paper noted, the proposed protests were aimed against
some of the world’s biggest corporations. The AFR’s Ben Potter
wrote:
"The risk for multinationals and groups like the WTO [the World
Trade Organisation] and the WEF is that their efforts to defend themselves
against these articulate gadflies can leave them looking clayfooted.
As a result, they’re losing the PR war among a significant minority
of young and not-so-young people who’ve rejected the pre-digested, heavily
filtered reporting they reckon we’re forced to swallow by the mainstream
media."
The AFR’s Rowan Callick, said that therefore one of the world’s
largest public relations firms, Hill and Knowlton, was "offering
WEF-related crisis management services" to its Australian clients,
"focusing on corporate reputations and employees' safety in the light
of S11aims and the Seattle experience." Hill and Knowlton circulated a
"background brief" to Australian corporations about the protest
and the protesters but this contained inaccurate information. The brief
said the 1999 Seattle protest occurred outside a meeting of the World
Economic Forum, when in fact it was the World Trade Organisation: "The
last WEF [sic] meeting held in Seattle, Washington State, US, from November
29 - December 3 last year resulted in serious rioting and civil disobedience."
It is interesting that the same mistake was later repeated in newspapers.
An editorial in the Australian on September 12 said: "Melbourne’s
demonstrators have followed the lead of those at WEF [sic] meetings in
Seattle and Davos, Switzerland". A front-page story in the Sunday
Age (10 September) referred to "violence at the WEF [sic] meeting
in Seattle last year."
A leaked copy of Hill and Knowlton’s brief appeared on the internet early
in September (on http://www.crosswinds.net/~leeked/hillandknowlton_s11.htm),
and the mistake about the Seattle protest was pointed out on the website
of the Melbourne Independent Media Centre. The story about the public
relations brief was picked up by the Australian (6 September) and
was confirmed by Hill and Knowlton but the Australian corrected
Hill and Knowlton’s error about the WEF and the WTO.
Hill and Knowlton were not the only organisation active in support of
the WEF. Before and during the WEF meeting, daily newspapers published
articles submitted by writers who are associated with two privately-funded
think-tanks - the Institute of Public Affairs (in Melbourne) and the Centre
for Independent Studies (in Sydney). These articles supported the WEF
and the corporate "freemarket" position and opposed the views
of the protesters. The IPA, for example, has a board of directors consisting
of magnates from major corporations.
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5. Counter-protesters
The crowds outside the Crown Casino on 11 September included some people
who were hostile to the protests. For example, a conservative organization
called "Free Trade Youth" announced on its website (http://www.counterprotest.net/fty)
in early September that it "will be waging a counter-protest"
at the WEF meeting.
Free Trade Youth has conservative and corporate connections. The group’s
Victorian convenor is listed (on a Liberal Student Federation website)
as a member of the Melbourne University Liberal Club; and, on the weekend
before the WEF meeting, Free Trade youth held a meeting in Melbourne which
was addressed by Michael Warby of the above-mentioned corporate think-tank,
the Institute of Public Affairs (according to the IPA website).
On Wednesday 6 September, a story on the News Limited website reported
that "opponents of S11, Free Trade Youth, are planning to hand out
several thousand anti-protest leaflets at metropolitan train stations"
on 11 September. The same paragraph later appeared in the Herald Sun’s
printed edition but this version omitted the words "Free Trade Youth".
The leaflets urged the public to "oppose the violence at the
World Economic Forum", even though the WEF meeting (and the "violence")
had not yet occurred.
If Free Trade Youth, or similar persons, mingled with the crowd outside
the Crown Casino on September 11-13, it would be interesting to find out
what form their "counter" protest took - and how they were so
certain that acts of violence were about to be perpetrated.
6. Coverage of the events of
Monday 11 September
6.1. The barricades
The Crown Casino complex, as ABC TV reporter Giulia Baggio remarked,
is designed normally to suck in as many people as possible through as
many entrances as possible. However, by Monday morning 11 September the
complex was surrounded by 3-metre concrete-and-wire barricades, reducing
the number of entry-points to about a dozen or so gateways and car-park
ramps. This resulted in a large number of police inside the barricades
confronting a much larger number of civilians outside the barricades at
a relatively small number of locations. This, in turn, made it easier
for television footage to be obtained at any crowd concentration, from
either inside or outside the barricades. And there was no shortage of
TV footage because the TV stations evidently pooled or exchanged certain
pieces of footage among themselves, so that no TV station "missed
out".
The protesters had their own public stage and public-address system,
erected with City Council permission on public land opposite the Casino’s
east end. The crowd of civilians included teams of "non-violent picketers"
who congregated tightly around each of the dozen gateways and a large
number of spectators who stood and watched or wandered around from gateway
to gateway. The spectators included passers-by (e.g., South Melbourne
or Southbank residents walking to or from the city), as well as a number
of people from further afield who were indifferent, or even hostile, to
the protest.
More than two thousand police were on duty at the Casino - the largest
police presence at a single event in Victoria's history. The police manning
the gateways were drawn from police stations throughout Victoria. Also
on hand was the Force Response Unit, which was formed under the Kennett
Government in 1993 to handle special operations including political dissent
and demonstrations. On Monday the baton-wielding FRU police wore baseball-type
caps but on Tuesday and Wednesday they changed to helmets and visors.
Nearby were the Mounted Police. It was the Force Response Unit and the
Mounted Police, rather than the "ordinary" suburban and country
police, who were to figure most prominently in the TV footage of September
11-13.
During the WEF meeting, a special media centre was located inside the
casino complex. Police public relations officials provided briefings and
tip-offs to journalists about the protests outside.
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6.2. Evening TV bulletins
On Monday evening, all television channels showed scenes of police punching
civilians or hitting them with batons and pushing them with police-horses.
However, Monday’s footage included no scenes at all, on any channel, of
civilians punching or hitting police.
The TV scripts talked about "violent protests" but the accompanying
footage was inappropriate. For example, in the open seconds of the Channel
Nine bulletin, during the theme music, the newsreader began reciting the
headline: "Violence at the Crown complex. . ." - but
this was illustrated by footage of a police officer (in a baseball-type
cap) punching a civilian on the head. (This scene was shown again at greater
length later in the bulletin, and this time the longer footage showed
the same policeman hitting the same civilian not once but twice.) After
the headlines, Nine’s script went on to say: "Up to 10,000 protesters
fought with police on the barricades around the Crown Casino today".
However, this "fighting" claim was not supported by Nine’s accompanying
footage as the punches, blows and kicks depicted were all from the police,
with none depicted as coming from the protesters.
Furthermore, Monday’s "noisy crowd" footage on all TV channels
was mostly from about three or four of the compound’s dozen entry points,
principally in Clarendon Street and to a lesser extent on a ramp from
the Kingsway overpass to the Casino’s west-end car park (near the intersection
of Hannah Street and Whiteman Street). Contrary to Channel Nine’s claim
regarding "10,000 protesters fighting the police", each bit
of footage (on all channels) showed a few hundred people at a time (not
10,000 at a time), near one or other of the dozen or so entrances. The
TV footage neglected to show quiet scenes at the other entrances or at
the other times.
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6.3. The role of WA premier
Richard Court
Monday’s most sensational "crowd footage" was obtained around
the car of West Australian premier Richard Court. Ignoring directions
given to WEF delegates by the police, Mr Court’s car tried to barge through
the dense crowd. The nearby TV cameras were quickly on the spot and Mr
Court provided the "ugly scenes" story which the media needed.
The Premier Court footage showed people heckling Mr Court and showed
flat tyres on his car. There was no footage of civilians punching anybody.
In Tuesday’s Australian, the main picture on page 1 showed a crowd
of smiling people standing around Premier Court’s car, watching
an Aboriginal man standing on the roof of the car. Standing beside the
car in the TV footage and in the Australian’s photo were two police
officers, who were calmly guarding Mr Court. The Aborigine, Ivan
Wyatt-Ring, 29, from Western Australia, was protesting against the policies
of pastoral and mining corporations and the West Australian Government
on Aboriginal land rights and on the mandatory jailing of Aborigines.
The Herald Sun, however, gave the impression that Mr Wyatt-Ring
was merely engaging in hooligan-type behaviour rather than protesting
on significant national issues.
Regarding Premier Court’s tyres, the media showed some inconsistency,
especially the Herald Sun. Access News on Channel 31 showed footage
of someone clearly deflating one of the tyres by removing the valve. Likewise,
a still-photo, to the same effect, appeared in the Herald Sun,
with a caption saying that a protester "lets down the premier’s
car tyre."
However, news stories in the Herald Sun, the Australian
and Channel Nine said the tyres [plural] "were slashed".
The Herald Sun’s news story, directly adjoining the photo of someone
removing the tyre valve, stated: "They [the protesters] slashed the
car’s tyres."
Neither the Herald Sun nor the Australian showed any picture
of a slashed tyre. And on Channels Two and Seven and in the Age,
there was no mention of slashed tyres at all.
The TV footage showed Mr Court sitting quietly inside his car, with the
window closed, until the Force Response Unit batons cleared a path for
him to leave. Mr Court was uninjured but not so the onlookers. The Age
reported: "Officers punched and batoned protesters out of the way."
All TV channels showed footage of "riot police" hitting people
with batons and all channels also depicted various scenes of police-horses
being charged into the crowd.
Although Monday’s footage showed no civilian punching or striking the
police, there was evidence of a policeman being hit, inadvertently, by
a colleague’s baton. This was in footage, taken by three freelance cameramen,
David and Drew Wilson and Morgan Evans, which was shown on Channel Nine’s
"Sunday" program on September 17. In this, several rows of police,
with batons lashing out indiscriminately, were attacking a crowd, but
a policeman in a rear row was striking out so enthusiastically that his
baton landed on a colleague in front of him. Was the struck policeman
included in the number of officers who were reported (by police public
relations) as having suffered injuries "inflicted by the protesters"?
Despite Monday’s baton-attack footage (which would have been seen on
that evening’s TV by a majority of Herald Sun readers), Tuesday’s
Herald Sun reported soberly (on page 4): "A police spokeswoman
later denied S11 allegations that police … had baton-charged protesters."
This police statement, which is contradicted by all the TV footage (and
even by other material in the Herald Sun) raises questions about
the credibility of the public relations briefings given each day by the
police. Evidently, police public relations officials made this "no
baton-charge" claim during Monday afternoon, not realising that the
claim was about to be negated a few hours later by the baton footage shown
on the evening TV news.
Tuesday’s Age gave the Premier Court incident only one paragraph
in its page 1 story, with much the same information repeated on page 8.
The Herald Sun, however, ran the Premier Court story at much greater
length on pages 1 and 2, with further mentions on pages 18 and 19.
The Premier Court incident was a relatively short portion of the day.
Mr Court’s car arrived about 9.40AM (said the Age). The ABC-TV’s
"Seven-Thirty Report" said the ensuring excitement surrounding
Mr Court lasted "about half an hour" until police moved in.
However, the Herald Sun increased this to "almost an hour".
The Herald Sun’s stable mate, the Australian, bettered this,
saying it was "more than an hour".
Mr Court suffered no physical injury from his hecklers. The Perth West
Australian reported that, when asked whether he felt frightened, Mr
Court said later: "It was more rugged than being in Melbourne after
the Eagles have won a grand final over here."
The Age later (September 13) published a statement by deputy commissioner
O’Loughlin saying that Premier Court and also Victorian Liberal Leader
Denis Napthine had been "foolish" to take their own cars to
the casino (instead of using the boats and helicopter that were available
to delegates). The Herald Sun, however, omitted this criticism.
Tuesday’s West Australian quoted Mr Court as saying: "I'm not
interested in exotic forms of transport. If I go to a convention I like
to roll up at the front door." The West Australian then quoted
Green Senator Bob Brown as saying Mr Court had provoked protesters by
trying to break the blockade.
On Wednesday, the West Australian gave a fuller account of the
Court incident that is worth quoting at length:
Premier Richard Court ignored pleas for World Economic Forum delegates
not to try to enter the summit alone, Victorian police claimed yesterday.
Victoria Police Deputy Commissioner (operations) Neil O'Loughlin said
police had planned for all delegates to be taken by bus, helicopter
or boat rather than chance their arm alone by car in the face of Monday's
massive protest.
Mr Court became trapped in his car by S11 protesters on Monday when
he and his driver tried to get through a blockade of protesters at the
summit's venue, Melbourne's Crown Casino.
Mr O'Loughlin said Mr Court and Victorian Opposition Leader Denis Napthine,
who also was trapped by protesters in his car during the demonstrations,
appeared to ignore police orders.
"We had instructed that no vehicle was to go down there on their own,"
Mr O'Loughlin said.
"We had a plan that all the delegates would go through the transport
office of the World Economic Forum and all transport would be done in
liaison with police.
"It was just unfortunate that some people chose, and it could have been
anybody, to come down on their own.
"Mr Court probably chose to come down and perhaps thought he could get
through and didn't appreciate the number of protesters and where he
had to go."
It is significant that the West Australian was less eager to "beat
up" the violence angle than the Melbourne Herald Sun was.
The Melbourne media, especially the Herald Sun, had been predicting
for months that the protests would "inevitably" be violent.
The West Australian, not having emphasised such predictions, did
not need to prove them to be true. And it may be significant that the
West Australian is the only metropolitan daily not owned by the
Murdoch or Fairfax corporations.
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6.4. "A largely peaceful
crowd", said the Age
Among all the "violence" stories concerning Monday, one finds
clues that it was not really a whole "day" at all. In a "live
cross" during ABC-TV’s 7pm news, reporter Michael Magazanik said:
"There has been little trouble this afternoon [as distinct from this
morning]. Tonight the protesters are in party mode [footage of dancing
and singing]." Despite this report of a largely quiet day, the ABC
producers ended the Channel Two bulletin (during the closing theme music,
just before the "Seven-Thirty Report") by re-showing footage
of police assaulting civilians with batons and horses about the time of
Premier Court’s appearance with, again, no scenes of any police being
hit. This finale helped to reinforce the impression that it had been "a
day of violence" and helped to set the scene for Tuesday’s Herald
Sun.
In contrast with the Premier Court incident, an article by Elizabeth
Wynhausen in the Australian described a separate encounter between
police and protesters (near the Casino’s West End car park) which was
resolved peacefully. Wynhausen wrote: "While the vivid television
footage of demonstrators surrounding West Australian Premier Richard Court’s
government car was the image of S11 that burned itself into the national
consciousness, the peaceful resolution of the incident at the West
End car park was at least as typical of the tenor of the day. In fact
the TV focus on confrontation left out the atmosphere of much of the World
Economic Forum blockade, a sort of carnival of the Left . . ."
The Age (page 1) referred to "the largely peaceful
crowd" and said: "Despite a crowd estimated at 10,000, violence
was isolated."
The West Australian said that, despite the Premier Court incident,
Monday’s protest "was essentially a peaceful one". The paper
went on: " At times it took on the atmosphere of a carnival - music,
dancing, group hugs and bubble bath in the fountain at the casino's main
entrance."
However, the "largely peaceful" assessment in the Australian,
the Age and the West Australian (as quoted in the preceding
three paragraphs) did not appear in the Herald Sun.
At a public relations briefing on Monday afternoon (shown on all the
TV channels), deputy commissioner Neil O’Loughlin said: "There has
been minimal disruption to the conference." This statement, too,
was omitted from the Herald Sun.
The true level of Monday’s "protester violence" can be measured
quantitatively by the fact (reported by all TV channels and newspapers)
that only two of the 10,000 protesters were arrested that day.
These were charged on summons with assaulting police. This contrasts with
a similar civil-disobedience protest held by Save Albert Park one morning
in South Melbourne in 1995, when 102 people (out of a crowd of about 1,000)
were arrested (for alleged "trespass" in a public park)
and were removed in paddy-wagons to police stations; later, however, a
magistrate dismissed the Albert Park charges.
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6.5. Ugly scenes in the Herald
Sun
In contrast to the evidence presented in all other media outlets, the
Herald Sun was the odd one out. The Herald Sun’s page 1
on Tuesday morning had a one-word banner headline: SHAMEFUL. This
story began: "Ugly protests forced Crown Casino to shut last night
as the World Economic Forum was held hostage to violence." The word
SHAMEFUL seems to be attached not only to the protests but also to the
non-availability of the gambling facilities. The rest of this story continued
the theme of "violent protests".
This Herald Sun story differed from all other media outlets in
estimating the size of Monday’s crowd. The TV channels, the Age
and the Australian (as well as the protest organisers) were unanimous
in estimating Monday’s crowd at about 10,000, without quibbling, but the
Herald Sun reduced this figure drastically. The Herald Sun
said: "Police estimated the protest crowd at 1500 but S11organisers
reckoned 6000 to 10,000 protesters were present." The Herald Sun
did not identify any "organiser" who allegedly gave the 6000
figure. The Herald Sun’s figure of 1500 protesters (compared with
the total of 2000 police who were rostered at the WEF in extended shifts)
would have meant that there were as many police there as protesters, although
Monday’s TV footage clearly indicated that the police everywhere were
vastly outnumbered.
Across pages 2 and 3, the Herald Sun had another banner headline:
Mob rule causes chaos. The accompanying story referred to "an
ugly outbreak of violence", "a wave of vandalism", "several
ugly episodes" and "violence flaring".
On Page 3, the Herald Sun published a photo, showing several young
protesters wearing scarves across their mouths [i.e., these protesters
were presented as being unidentifiable and unaccountable] and, in the
same photo, a friendly-looking police officer who, unlike many of his
colleagues, happened to be wearing his name tag [i.e., he was identifiable
and accountable]. This photo is the opposite of reality. In fact, the
TV footage shows hardly any protesters wearing scarves or masks, excepting
for one group who evidently adopted this dress style to make some sort
of a political point. In the "crowd scenes" footage around Premier
Court’s car, there was apparently only one person wearing a scarf or mask.
And Monday’s TV footage showed many police not wearing the name tags that
they are required to wear, by police regulations, on their chests.
According to the West Australian, the scarves and bandanas could
also serve as makeshift gas-masks if, as the Melbourne media expected,
the police might use capsicum spray or tear gas. In fact, the protesters’
website (http://www.s11.org)
which is still available, had a page headed "Protesting Tips"
in which it advised protesters, as a defence against capsicum spray, to
"use a vinegar-soaked bandana over the mouth/nose". However,
a Herald Sun reader could be excused assuming that the scarves
were proof of criminality.
Tuesday’s Age quoted deputy commissioner O’Loughlin as saying
it was "against police procedure for officers to remove their identity
badges, as many had done when they formed lines against the protesters".
In the Age (and also on TV), Mr O’Loughlin said on Monday afternoon:
"I’ll be giving instructions that they’re to make sure that they
wear their badges." The Herald Sun, however, suppressed any
mention of the name tags. And Mr O’Loughlin’s promise about all police
wearing their name tags in future was not kept on Tuesday or Wednesday.
The main item on the Herald Sun’s page 5, by John Hamilton, continued
the attack on the protesters. It referred to "clowns", "bozos",
"an ill-assorted rabble", "thugs", "biff and
bovver boys", "Loonyville", "human ferals", "unwashed
dreadlocks" and "a crazy circus".
Hamilton’s article touched briefly on the issue of global corporations
but he equated this, incorrectly, with "the kind of globalisation
that got the demonstrators together by e-mail and fitted out many of them
yesterday with designer shoes, clothes and backpacks and the expensive
video, film and digital cameras they were using to take pictures of themselves."
Hamilton was obscuring the distinction between "corporations"
and "technology" and he thus misrepresented the real, stated
issue of the protests - the issue of non-elected, unaccountable global
corporations dictating the domestic policies of sovereign nations.
On page 18, a Herald Sun editorial repeated the various allegations
about "protester violence" from the earlier pages, except that
it omitted the "slashing" of Premier Court’s tyres; in this
article, the tyres were back to being merely "let down". Beside
the editorial was an article contributed by Des Moore, who was described
as the director of the pro- corporate "Institute for Private Enterprise,
Melbourne," attacking the protesters and defending "free"
market policies. There was a third article on this page, about the Olympic
Games, but there was no article giving an alternative to Des Moore’s pro-corporations
view.
On page 19, a full-page article by journalist Andrew Bolt re-iterated
many of the themes from previous pages. Bolt, who for weeks had been insisting
that the protesters would be violent, concluded: "And what do these
groups want? Only a revolution to impose communism - the totalitarian
credo which has caused misery wherever it has been tried, and has led
to the deaths of 100 million poor souls." Thus, Bolt re-inforced
the image of violent protesters, implicating them this time in the deaths
of 100 million people.
contents
6.6. The story of an ambulance
The news media obtained much of their information about the protests
through the WEF management, police public relations and other official
sources. For example, it is interesting to examine a news story which
the Metropolitan Ambulance Service "broke" on radio on Monday
morning. I have since re-checked with ambulance commander Paul Holman
and he told me how this story originated. He said the MAS had established
an ambulance centre inside the Casino to cater for Casino staff, WEF delegates,
police and the public; this meant that there were no ambulance resources
outside the barricades - a mistake which the MAS will correct on future
occasions. As the street congestion increased on Monday morning, the MAS
had difficulty getting ambulances and paramedics in and out of the casino
and through the crowd. About 9.30am a paramedic took an ambulance to a
patient (a member of the public, according to Mr Holman) in Clarendon
Street. The paramedic was "roughed up" in the crush; furthermore,
someone in the crowd stole the keys of his ambulance. Therefore, as a
public relations tactic, Mr Holman phoned talk-radio hosts, including
3AW’s Neil Mitchell and ABC Radio’s John Faine, and related this incident
"on air", so as to put pressure on the protest marshals at the
various gateways to ensure better access for the MAS. The protest marshals
readily agreed and this solved the access problem. As for the missing
keys, Mr Holman told me that another set of keys was readily available
and the ambulance went on its way.
Meanwhile, TV news had also obtained footage of MAS spokesman Paul Holman’s
statement and this was shown in the evening bulletins, even though the
need for the MAS public relations tactic was now less urgent. On
Tuesday neither the Age nor the Australian bothered to mention
the ambulance story but it became a major point on the Herald
Sun front page. The seventh paragraph said: "Protesters also
attempted to disrupt paramedics by stealing the keys of an ambulance."
The same information was repeated, in a longer form, on page 3; this stated
that "the paramedic had been called by protesters to treat somebody
at the scene when he was pushed and shoved by the surge of people."
A few pages later, in the paper’s editorial, the incident had escalated.
The injured person suddenly became a police officer and the "surge
of people" became a cowardly assault. The editorial on page 18 said:
"Most Victorians will be appalled by the violence and un-Australian
behaviour at the opening of the World Economic Forum’s Asia-Pacific
summit in Melbourne. Law-abiding citizens will not forgive the cowards
who attacked a paramedic who was treating an injured policeman. Nor
will they condone the behaviour of those who stole the keys to a waiting
ambulance . . ."
The paper’s Andrew Bolt continued this theme in his article on page 19:
"So this is what a ‘non-violent protest . . . looks like. It means
sending two police to hospital. It means roughing up a paramedic who
tries to help one [i.e., a policeman], and stealing the keys to his
ambulance."
Thus, a public relations release from the ambulance service took on a
life of its own in the Herald Sun, inflaming public opinion against
the "cowardly" protesters and generating a climate for punitive
action against protesters - any protesters.
contents
7. Coverage of the events of
Tuesday 12 September
The punitive action took the form of several baton-charges by the Force
Response Unit on Tuesday, principally at 7am and 7.30pm.
7.1. The 7am baton-charge
Before dawn on Tuesday, protesters gradually began assembling again at
a few of the main gateways, although other gateways were still deserted.
About 7am, before dawn, the baton-wielding Force Response Unit suddenly
ran out of the casino and across a paved area to a vehicle gateway in
Queensbridge Street at the intersection of Whiteman Street. They leapt
over a plastic traffic-barrier at the gateway and launched themselves
upon a group of 50 civilians (including two members of the New Zealand
Parliament). According to Monash University criminal justice lecturer
David Baker (Age, 16 September), this was the first time police
had used full riot-gear – that is, not just batons but also helmets and
visors – against unarmed citizens at a political demonstration in Melbourne.
The TV footage showed the protesters sitting passively on the ground,
arms linked, with their backs to the police, because (as they told the
media later) they did not wish to be accused of abusing or assaulting
the police. Reports said the protesters were quietly chanting or singing.
The TV footage showed the FRU police suddenly appearing in the gateway,
then trampling over the seated crowd from behind, kicking and punching
bodies, heads and faces. Channel Two showed an FRU sergeant (with his
name tag removed) striking New Zealand parliamentarian Sue Bradford on
the head with his knee as he clambered over her. Meanwhile, mounted police
appeared on the roadway in front of the protesters, hemming them in, thwarting
any escape from the attack. Channel Nine’s reporter said: "Those
in the path of the baton-wielding force had nowhere to run."
The TV footage, shown on that evening’s TV news bulletins, included:
POLICE, with batons raised, stomping over the passively seated
civilians, with police boots striking people’s heads and shoulders;
POLICE knocking people to the ground;
POLICE punching and kicking people;
POLICE dragging people along the ground by the hair or dreadlocks
instead of (say) by the collar;
POLICE smashing a news photographer’s camera;
POLICE hitting people with batons.
On Channel Nine’s 6pm bulletin, a policeman raised his baton high above
his head and then swung it down towards the head or shoulder of a standing
civilian. The resulting "crack" noise of the impact is heard
on the sound track. Hitting someone in this manner is contrary to directions
given by the suppliers of police batons in the United States (according
to the suppliers’ internet site, http://www.policebatons.com/mptc/uof3.html).
Channel Nine showed an FRU man ramming the end of his baton at a photographer’s
chest, knocking the man and his camera to the ground.
The TV channels were unable to show a single scene of any civilian hitting
a police officer. Channel Two said eleven protesters were taken to hospital
and another fifty required first-aid at the scene.
The TV footage showed that, despite the promise by deputy commissioner
O’Loughlin, many police had again removed their name tags. Tuesday’s footage
showed whole squads of police, lined up in formation, with their name
tags removed.
It is not clear, from media reports, why the Force Response Unit used
full riot-gear to remove 50 non-rioting people from a gateway. Was it
so that the helmets and visors would make the individual FRU members unrecognisable
and unaccountable? Was it to justify the purchase of this equipment? Was
it to justify the existence of the FRU? Was it to boost the morale of
the police generally? Was it to impress the Herald Sun? Was it
to intimidate other WEF protesters and future political dissenters?
contents
7.2. The Herald Sun and missiles
At a police public relations briefing on Tuesday, deputy commissioner
O’Loughlin displayed two bolts and one screw which, he claimed, had been
thrown at police (Channel Nine 6pm news). Wednesday’s Age did not
publish these claims about missiles but the Herald Sun went further
than Channel Nine; this paper said (page 3) that, as well as screws [plural]
and bolts, protesters threw rocks, ball-bearing, nails and marbles on
Tuesday and they also "poured urine over police". Two pages
later (page 5) a different article, by the Herald Sun’s John Hamilton,
repeated the story about urine, ball bearings, nails and glass. Wednesday’s
Australian, however, said these missiles were thrown "on Monday".
The Australian, like the Age, did not bother to use the
"urine" story.
Neither the police nor the Herald Sun said that the alleged missile-throwing
occurred at the scene of Tuesday’s 7am baton-attack. If the throwing had
occurred on the Monday (as the Australian claimed), this would
mean that the FRU’s 7am baton-attack was intended as revenge for misdemeanours
that had been committed by someone else, not the 50 people who were attacked.
On the other hand, if the throwing occurred later on Tuesday (and possibly
at different parts of the barricades), this would mean that the morning
baton-attack was not in response to the missile-throwing. If there were
missiles, could they have been in response to Monday’s (or Tuesday’s)
baton charges? That is, did Premier Richard Court and the Force Response
Unit police exacerbate the climate of confrontation and revenge? Did violence
beget violence?
The Herald Sun did not cite the source of its claims about Tuesday’s
(or was it Monday’s?) missiles. However, the Herald Sun itself
had already foreshadowed the missile stories two weeks before the
forum. On 28 August, an article by the Herald Sun’s Andrew Bolt
referred to previous political demonstrations in Melbourne where "police
were hit and their horses stabbed and tripped" and where "police
said they had urine balloons thrown at them". Likewise, in an article
attacking the protesters in the Sydney Morning Herald on August
28, conservative commentator Imre Salusinszky conjectured that protesters
"may choose to spray the police with their own urine, as their comrades
did in Seattle last November". In another article on 31 August, Bolt said
that if marbles are rolled in large quantities, the police horses are
unable to walk. Was Andrew Bolt giving a helpful suggestion to his readers?
The Herald Sun continually asserted from June to September that
the convenors of the WEF protest must take responsibility for the actions
of every individual member of the public who turned up to the event, including
any counter-protesters. On the basis of this logic, therefore, if marbles
and urine were thrown on September 11-13 (as foreshadowed in the Herald
Sun), should the Herald Sun take responsibility for the actions
of its readers?
contents
7.3. The evening baton charge
By late Tuesday afternoon, many of the protesters had left for the day.
In a "live cross" during Channel Nine’s 6pm bulletin, a reporter
was shown saying: "There are bands playing. It has taken on something
of a party atmosphere."
By 6pm, many of the protesters were drifting away, leaving some of the
dozen entrances undermanned or deserted. By 7.30pm, all five television
channels had shown footage of the morning baton attack.
After 7.30pm, when darkness had descended (and after more protesters
had left), the Force Response Unit ran from the casino and carried out
another baton-charge against a group of about 100 people at the same gateway
as the 7am attack. The FRU members, again wearing helmets and visors,
leapt over the plastic barriers in the gateway and landed among the crowd.
Footage from this attack was shown on Tuesday’s late-night bulletins
(10.30pm or later) and again on Wednesday evening. This footage was similar
to the 7am attack (except that the evening protesters decided, for safety
reasons, not to sit, so that they could escape any police violence). Again,
with the help of the mounted police, the protesters were surrounded and
found it difficult to escape the attack.
The footage showed (and all media outlets agreed) that these police actions
were even more ferocious and frenzied than the morning actions had been.
Again, most of the attacking police had removed their name tags.
The footage again showed:
POLICE striking civilians on the head and body with batons;
POLICE punching and kicking people;
POLICE knocking people to the ground and kicking them on the ground;
POLICE attacking news photographers and smashing their cameras.
The content of the Tuesday evening footage was summed up later by the
Australian (14 September): "Video of the incident shows
police striking people repeatedly on the head from above and other reports
had police holding people on the ground and hitting them". The paper
said that a total of 300 police (FRU police, mounted police and others)
took part in the operation to remove about 100 protesters. All TV channels
showed footage of FRU police leaning over the 3-metre fencing and aiming
their batons at civilians standing below them on the other side. The civilians
were holding up their arms in a vain attempt to make the police stop the
blows.
In Channel Ten’s footage (broadcast in Wednesday’s 5pm bulletin), an
FRU man stood in the gateway, reversed his baton, held it aloft with two
hands like an axe and repeatedly lashed at the trapped civilians with
the baton’s protruding handle.
contents
7.4. Police and the camera crews
Police had waited for darkness before launching the evening baton-charge.
When TV camera crews turned on their lights for filming, a police officer
is heard on one crew’s soundtrack ordering them to "turn those lights
off". The police targeted people who were holding cameras.
SBS-TV’s script reported: "Police attacked indiscriminately. TV
crews appear to have been targeted. SBS cameraman Luke Roche was attacked
[by police] from behind [by batons]."
Roche’s footage showed the police advancing on him, then threatening
him, before assaulting him, as his camera fell to the ground, still filming.
Channel Seven News reported: "Several officers turned on a Seven
News camera crew."
And a Reuters cameraman from Sydney, Simon Mossman, was bashed by police.
A media statement from the journalists’ union, the Media, Entertainment
and Arts Alliance, says a number of media professionals covering the baton-charges
on September 12 were outraged over "Victoria Police allegedly attacking
them indiscriminately and without warning as they attempted to film, report
or record the event" [i.e., the baton-charges]. The MEAA has urged
these media members to report their experiences to the MEAA’s lawyers,
Slater and Gordon, with a view to taking civil action against the Victoria
Police.
The assaults on the media were reported in Wednesday’s Age, page
7. The paper said that one of its photographers was hit with a police
baton and another was picked up by an officer and thrown to the ground,
breaking some of his equipment.
The Age added: "Earlier in the day [Tuesday], Herald Sun
photographer Trevor Pinder reported that he had camera gear smashed by
a uniformed policeman when he tried to take a picture of a group of plain-clothes
men - either security or police - dragging a young woman by the hair inside
the barricades, where, he said, she and others were roughed up."
However, not a word about this Herald Sun photographer (or any
other media casualties) appeared in Wednesday morning’s edition of the
Herald Sun. Herald Sun readers, as usual, were left with
an over-all impression about "violent protesters", not violent
police.
In Wednesday morning’s Herald Sun, the only mention of news media
being assaulted was in a report by John Hamilton - and he claimed these
attacks were made by protesters, not police. Hamilton wrote: "Among
the [protesters’] targets yesterday was the media - now accused [by the
protesters] of telling lies because it is exposing the truth. Reporters,
photographers and cameramen were abused and jostled [by the protesters]."
Unfortunately for Hamilton and the Herald Sun, Tuesday’s late-night
TV footage showed the opposite of what he was asserting.
Media outlets agreed that about 20 protesters were injured in the evening
baton charge, including 13 who were taken to hospital. The Herald Sun
said only eleven were hospitalised.
When the Tuesday evening baton charge was reported on Channel Two on
Wednesday, reporter Michael Magazanik said: "Ambulance officers say
none of the police required treatment."
Various writers have pointed out that Victoria Police regulations restrict
officers to using only "reasonable" (that is, minimum) force
to make an arrest or to prevent a crime. Yet, media reports indicate that
no arrests were made during Tuesday’s baton attacks. The TV footage gives
the impression that the baton assaults were intended as a kind of punishment,
instead of an attempt to make arrests.
Neither the Age nor the Australian mentioned any Tuesday
arrests but the Herald Sun mentions two arrests; these arrests
were apparently made at times and places other than during the baton attacks.
This evidently brought the number of alleged lawbreakers after two days
of "violence" to four. So Tuesday’s events are best measured
up not by that day’s two arrests but by the number of protesters injured
by police - seventy.
contents
7.5. The premier
and the police
In statements made to the media on Tuesday and repeated on Wednesday
and Thursday, Victorian Premier Steve Bracks defended the baton-attacks.
He repeatedly praised the police for doing "an outstanding job".
Asked about the injured civilians, he said they "deserved everything
they got".
A Labor member of Federal Parliament, Harry Quick (MHR for Franklin,
Tasmania), later criticised Premier Bracks for supporting police baton-assaults
on unarmed citizens. Mr Quick said in an adjournment debate in the House
of Representatives on October 5:
"Bracks praised police for an ‘absolutely outstanding’ job on
12 September. What part did he find outstanding? The unannounced baton
charge? The failure of police to wear identification? The inability
of protestors to identify police and hold them accountable for their
actions? The response to alleged individual acts of violence by protestors
with violence against the demonstration as a whole?"
Mr Quick said the Victoria Police had acted unlawfully. He said that
the role of the police force "in our society" is primarily to
bring people before the courts so they can be judged and punished. Police,
he said, have no right to dish out punishment themselves.
Tuesday’s baton-attacks followed high-level talks involving the police
command, the WEF and the Victorian Government. On TV news, Trade Hall
Council secretary Leigh Hubbard claimed that the WEF had threatened, on
Monday evening, to cancel the remaining two days of the Forum unless the
government and police guaranteed that all delegates could get through
the barricades. Wednesday’s Australian reported: "Premier
Bracks authorised the crackdown after protesters kept up to 200 delegates
out of the conference on Monday." A WEF spokesman denied that there
had been a cancellation threat but Age political reporter Mark
Forbes later wrote (27 October): "The government was desperate
for the forum to proceed on the Tuesday, with the organisers threatening
to cancel".
In an article on September 25, the Sun Herald’s Andrew Bolt referred
to Premier Steve Bracks’ image as a popular politician. Bolt mentioned
a meeting (on the Monday evening) between Mr Bracks and police Chief Commissioner
Neil Comrie, adding: "Whatever they discussed, Mr Comrie then told
1000 of his officers it was no more Mr Nice Guy . . . Over the next two
days we saw the result."
In media interviews on September 13-15, Chief Commissioner Comrie claimed
that the protests ended in a victory for the police. Launching a Victoria
Police recruiting drive two weeks later, he said the graphic scenes at
the protests had been a "morale boost" for Victorian police
and had helped promote policing (the Australian, 28 September).
Dr Jude McCulloch, lecturer in Police Studies at Deakin University, said
(ABC Radio "Law Report") that police normally exercise restraint
in using violence against unarmed citizens because such violence can result
in the Victoria Police being sued for damages; and under the previous
(Kennett) Government, she said, these payments had to come out of the
Victoria Police budget. She said that Premier Bracks’s action in approving
the tougher tactics removed the restraint and encouraged the police command
to assume that any compensation payments for injured citizens will be
paid by the State Government.
contents
8. Coverage of the events of Wednesday
13 September
8.1. "A bag of marbles
was confiscated"
At mid-day on Wednesday, thousands of protesters left the casino precinct
and marched through Melbourne’s central business district as the climax
of their three-day demonstration. A lengthy Australian Associated Press
story, timed at 2.54pm and posted on the News Ltd website, said: "There
were no incidents in the peaceful march." The next day’s Herald
Sun used much the same material as the AAP story but omitted the information
that "there were no incidents in the peaceful march." Instead,
the Herald Sun reported the march in a more sinister tone, saying
that protesters "threatened to ransack the Melbourne’s city
centre" and they "marched through the city threatening
damage".
AAP’s 2.54pm story, containing quotes from deputy commissioner O’Loughlin,
included some significant information about missiles. It said: "A
bag of marbles was taken off a protester this morning." (It would
be interesting to find out whether this person had obtained the marbles
idea from reading Andrew Bolt’s Herald Sun article on August 31.)
This AAP story affirms that these marbles were confiscated, in a bag,
not thrown. However, for the benefit of the evening TV news, the marbles
were removed from the bag so that they could be displayed in a policeman’s
hands - eleven marbles in one hand and three nuts and a screw in another
hand (Channel Ten). Thus, viewers were left with the impression that the
marbles were thrown.
Thursday’s Herald Sun also reported that the marbles had been
thrown and omitted the information about the marbles being confiscated
in a bag. The Herald Sun and the TV stations need to explain what
happened to the 2.54pm AAP story about the marbles being confiscated and
in a bag, rather than thrown.
At none of these public relations briefings did the police produce video
footage of any missiles actually being thrown at police. The police had
video cameras operating at the major trouble spots, and there were video
or closed-circuit television cameras being operated manually from the
top of the Crown complex, looking down upon the crowd. At least one of
these cameras ought to have obtained footage of any missiles being thrown.
The claims about missiles would have been strengthened if supported by
video footage.
At international cricket matches at the Melbourne Cricket Ground, it
is common for missiles to be thrown on to the ground, endangering players.
However, the police do not conduct baton attacks on MCG spectators. Nor
do they punish spectators in one stand for a projectile thrown by a different
spectator in another stand. Instead, the police spot the offence through
closed-circuit television cameras and then direct some officers to the
offenders, who are then liable to be ejected from the MCG or perhaps charged.
On Channel Nine on Wednesday, Police Chief Commissioner Neil Comrie spoke
about "mindless violence" on the part of the WEF protesters,
but unfortunately the accompanying footage depicted a senior constable
(with his name tag removed) dragging a civilian along by the hair. This
undermined the credibility of Mr Comrie's claim.
The police public relations spokesmen and the Herald Sun failed
to consider this question: if the 15 missiles displayed on TV (11 marbles,
three metal nuts and one screw) were indeed thrown (perhaps by 15 people
who were not necessarily members of the blockades), did this justify injuring
70 people in Tuesday’s baton attacks, including 24 people who were hospitalised?
At last, on Wednesday’s Channel Nine 6.00pm news, I found footage of
one assault committed on a police officer by a protester. This bulletin
showed a police officer with a dollop of saliva or phlegm sliding down
his face; he had apparently been spat upon by someone in the crowd. However,
this officer was not blameless himself, for he had removed his name tag,
in contravention of police regulations.
contents
8.2. Complaints about police
violence
Late on Wednesday, protest organisers and their lawyers held a media
conference, accompanied by representatives from the Trades Hall Council
and the Victorian Council for Civil Liberties (Liberty Victoria). At this
conference it was announced that complaints had been lodged with the State
Ombudsman about Tuesday’s baton attacks and about police removing name
tags. These complaints were reported on all TV news bulletins on Wednesday
evening, with all channels showing footage from the baton attacks, including
scenes of people being struck indiscriminately on the head and face. Channel
Ten showed footage of a whole row of police officers, ready for action,
with their name tags removed. Channel Ten reported: "Many police
breached regulations by not wearing name tags." Similar footage and
comments, about name tags being removed, was shown on other TV channels.
The Wednesday call for an Ombudsman inquiry was the main item in Thursday’s
Age (page 1) and received a few paragraphs in the Australian
(page 2). However, not a word about this appeared in the Herald Sun.
Instead, the main angle in Thursday’s Herald Sun was that "Victorian
taxpayers and businesses face a bill of more than $20 million" for
the three-day protest. This included $10 million lost by the Crown Casino
because it was closed to the public.
In fact, the loss of business at Crown and in other businesses on September
11-13 was largely the result of the expectation of violence, which had
been "talked up" in the preceding months by the media, especially
the Herald Sun. On ABC-TV evening news on September 6, reporter
Natasha Simpson reported that "Crown expects to lose" several
million dollars over the three-day Forum; some high-rollers, she said,
were staying away from Crown because of the bad publicity about anticipated
"violence". Ironically, much of the expectation of "violence"
hysteria had been generated by Channel Nine, whose owner, Kerry Packer,
is the owner of the Casino. Mr Packer’s own TV channel was hurting his
casino.
In Thursday’s Herald Sun, Andrew Bolt wrote yet again about protesters
pelting police with "rocks, rubbish, ball bearings and urine."
Bags of "urine" had become a constant theme in the Herald
Sun, although apparently no chemical analysis was conducted by anybody
to establish that this substance really was urine and not, say, just vinegar.
As noted above, the protesters’ website recommended that protesters use
"a vinegar-soaked bandana over the mouth/nose" as a defence
against capsicum spray." For the Herald Sun, urine makes a
better story than vinegar.
Andrew Bolt also stated that protesters "punched" police; this
"punching" claim that had previously not been stated so explicitly
in the various media outlets, although viewers and readers might have
assumed such punches after hearing or reading about so much "protester
violence".
contents
8.3. Police in a car accident
About 6pm on Wednesday, as the remaining protesters were walking to the
Yarra River bank for a post-protest party, an unmarked stationary police
car suddenly moved forward and barged into a group of people outside the
casino, injuring a woman. The car (registration number QKE 617), carrying
four plainclothes police, then failed to stop. An AAP story (in the Age)
said the incident marred an "otherwise peaceful final day" of
the protest, but the concept of peacefulness did not appear in the Herald
Sun.
The Herald Sun claimed on Friday: "The alleged hit-and-run
happened as protesters swarmed around the car hitting and kicking it."
However, the paper’s claims are contradicted by the Wilson/Evans freelance
footage which was shown on Channel Nine’s "Sunday" program on
September 16. This shows: that the protesters were not physically threatening
the police officers in the car while it was stationary; that the police
car suddenly took off and barged into the crowd; that the woman’s body
became jammed under the front of the car; that nobody hit the car until
after the woman became jammed; and that the hits on the car roof were
clearly intended to get the driver to stop, so as to prevent the car from
causing any more harm to the woman.
8.4. Summing up the three days
Claims of protester violence are weakened by the arrest count. At the
end of the three days, said AAP, only 12 protesters had been arrested,
all on minor charges, and none were processed through the court system.
This is less than the number who would normally have been arrested in
central Melbourne in three days. The low number of persons arrested or
charged is in stark contrast with the high numbers of persons injured
by police.
contents
9. Later coverage
On Friday 15 September, the Age and the Australian again
reported on the complaints about police baton-attacks and confirmed that
the previously-foreshadowed Ombudsman’s inquiry would begin immediately.
The Herald Sun, at last, was forced to mention the baton complaints
and the Ombudsman - long after all the other media outlets. However,
the Herald Sun put its own spin on the story, by emphasising the
cost of the inquiry. "Taxpayers", the Herald Sun’s item
began, "will foot a hefty bill for an inquiry into claims of police
brutality from this week’s World Economic Forum." The Herald Sun
also chose the Ombudsman’s inquiry as the topic for the paper’s daily
opinion poll but the paper put its own spin on the question. It invited
readers to phone in to vote on this question: "Should taxpayers’
money be spent on an inquiry into police behaviour during the S11
protest?"
Friday’s Age reported complaints, from the Media Arts and Entertainment
union, that "several Age, Herald Sun and Sydney Morning
Herald photographers were injured and had equipment damaged"
in Tuesday evening’s baton-attack. However, Friday’s Herald Sun
continued to suppress the information about its own photographers being
attacked by police. Instead, the Herald Sun re-iterated its story
about the protesters using "disgusting and violent tactics, including
attacking cars, spraying urine on officers, spitting and hurling rocks,
marbles, ball bearings, metal nuts and glass".
On Saturday, September 16, the Herald Sun continued to engage
in spin-doctoring with two articles by reporter Paul Anderson on page
22. The first, headed "Police protest toll", was a story about
the brave police who were injured at the WEF protests. The story, evidently
prepared with co-operation from police public relations, is accompanied
by a picture of police Chief Commissioner Comrie "examining a senior
constable’s injuries". The story also features Sergeant Mark Reid,
of the Force Response Unit, who, as it happens, figured prominently in
the TV footage of the baton charges on Monday and Tuesday.
By contrast, Anderson’s second article (headed "Ratbag militants")
was about the "cowardly" protesters. It refers to protesters
"trying to rip down fences while spitting on police at point-blank
range". Anderson does not explain how anyone could do both those
things simultaneously.
Anderson continued in the same vein:
"They didn’t mind punching and kicking the men and women in blue.
. .
"And, in an ultimate insult, they burned the Australian flag . .
.
"The ratbag army of red militants, fiery ferals and clueless snipers
asked for any war they may have received at the hands of a dedicated police
contingent this week."
On 2 October the Herald Sun’s Andrew Bolt had another story about
the Force Response Unit’s Sergeant Mark Reid. Bolt claimed that, when
the FRU members rushed to the barricades in the Tuesday evening baton
attack, Reid’s task was to rescue a man in the crowd carrying "a
curly-haired boy about two years old". While doing this, claimed
Bolt, the gallant sergeant fell to the ground, was kicked in the head
and body by protesters and "suffered a splitting headache".
Bolt did not explain why the protective helmet did not prevent the splitting
headache. Nor did he bother to disclose the fate of the curly-haired boy.
Bolt’s story was further embellished by a member of the Federal Parliament,
Stewart McArthur (Liberal, Corangamite, Victoria). In a speech in the
House on 9 October, Mr McArthur claimed that the aim of the protesters
was to "invade the conference". He then said: "Herald
Sun journalist Andrew Bolt has written a human account of a police
sergeant beaten by protesters in his battle to protect a two-year-old
child caught in a stampeding crowd."
Mr McArthur was referring to the incident in which FRU police rushed
from the casino to surround the stationary protesters. Thus, the story
of the baton attack evolved from stampeding police to stampeding protesters.
Mr McArthur had learned the art of journalistic "beat ups".
contents
10. Conclusions
For three months before the World Economic Forum meeting, the corporate
media had taken on a role as counter-protesters. This was especially
true of the Herald Sun; this paper’s stories looked almost as though
they had been cut and pasted from handouts issued by the World Economic
Forum, the public relations firm Hill and Knowlton, the Victoria Police
media office or pro-corporate think-tanks such as the Institute of Public
Affairs.
The media’s portraying of the protesters during those three months as
violent created a climate of impending conflict. The media failed to give
much coverage to conferences and public meetings, which the protesters
held on September 7-10 to discuss the issues of global corporatisation
and economic rationalism. This news blackout intensified the focus on
conflict and violence.
Although the Age, the Australian and ABC radio featured
some discussion about global corporatisation in early September, the Herald
Sun and radio 3AW mostly ignored this aspect, instead portraying
the protests purely as an outbreak of criminal violence and traffic snarls.
The media, especially the Herald Sun and 3AW, tried to frighten
"respectable" people from supporting the protests. Therefore,
it would not be surprising if some Herald Sun readers and 3AW listeners
at the Casino precinct on September 11-13 were there primarily to "see
violence", rather than to facilitate a "non-violent demonstration".
West Australian Premier Richard Court and Victorian Opposition Leader
Denis Napthine arrived at the venue knowing that they would have a confrontation
with the protesters. Evidently, other counter-protesters were also among
the crowd.
The Victorian police force had already been criticised by conservative
politicians in April 1998 for "failing to crack down" on trade
unionists and civil rights protesters in the maritime industrial dispute
revolving around the Patrick stevedoring company. It appears that late
on Monday 11 September 2000, Premier Steve Bracks authorised the police
command to crack down on the WEF protesters. Accordingly the Force Response
Unit was unleashed upon the first few people who showed up just before
dawn the next morning.
For all these reasons, the media’s prophecy of violence became self-fulfilling.
After analysing all the stories and TV footage of September 11-13, I
find that the media’s written claims about assaults committed by
citizens were, in fact, not supported by (and were, in some cases, contradicted
by) the TV footage. I am not saying that no member of the public
committed any violence around the Crown Casino during the three days,
especially in view of the Herald Sun floating the idea of taking
along marbles and urine. My point is that, during the three days, the
television coverage showed footage of punches and beatings being committed
by police and none being committed by civilians.
Of all the news outlets, the Herald Sun was the most "far
out" in its verbal assertions when compared with the visual evidence.
The Herald Sun’s stories consisted of a series of "beat ups".
The protesters were noisy, disruptive and obstructive, yet they were
overwhelmingly peaceful. The protests did not constitute a riot and one
must question whether the protests justified such violent intervention
by the baton-wielding "riot police", the Force Response Unit.
No doubt, many of the "ordinary" police manning the gateways
tried to behave with a reasonable degree of professionalism while acting
under orders. The violence at the Crown Casino came overwhelmingly from
the free-ranging Force Response Unit, anonymous and unaccountable in their
helmets and mostly with their name tags removed. Judging by the TV footage,
each of the baton-attacks of Tuesday 12 September looks like a riot by
the Force Response Unit, aided by the mounted police and others, not a
riot by civilians.
SOURCES: These are indicated within the text.
© Copyright Bernard Barrett 2000
Reprinted with Permission
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